Cantons were discussed during the time of the Palestine Mandate. The entire land of the Mandate would have been divided up. Looking at the Swiss model, some Jewish Zionists accepted sharing power through this idea. The turbulence before, during, and after the Second World War prevented the defining of the parameters of power-sharing with shifting population balances. Unfortunately this also affected the other two contending proposals: a bi-national state with the inter-office power-sharing, and the two state arrangement i.e. partition of the Land into two states.
While the Swiss Cantons were started as defensive arrangements, each canton is locally responsible for healthcare, Welfare (financial aid), law enforcement and public education; they also retain the power of taxation. The cantonal constitutions determine the degree of autonomy accorded to the municipalities, which varies but almost always includes the power to levy taxes and pass municipal laws.
In 20th century two new theories of national systems came into existence. The fascist state would use force to maintain its national superiority, and expand its territory to encompass new territory and exclude others, was a popular mode. The Marxist state supposedly governed by the people for the people as workers and opposed to exploitation of the worker was another popular theme. The first of these finds expression in the Italian fascist and the German Nazi system. But its wars for territory and exclusion of other people ended in defeat. The Soviet system based mainly on a Russian Imperial foundation was supported by the United Nations Western powers who needed strength and location to defeat Germany. Italy, and Japan in the war.
After the Second World War, in Egypt a military group came to power and from them emerged Abdil Gamel Nasser and his concept of Pan Arabism. Nasser sought to unite the Arab states of Egypt, Yemen, and Syria. Obviously there were two major forces directly in his way and his scheme floundered in the personality developments and lack of national coherence in these territories. One of the major obstacles was the growth of Saudi Arabia and its oil foundation. The other was the Zionist claim to the land of Israel and the newly independent state of Israel.
The Gaza Strip was an area under the Mandate occupied by the fourth Egyptian army during the Arab-Israeli 1948-49 war. It was retained by Egypt after the 1949 armistice. And was used as a base for guerrilla attacks against Israel. The new leader, the Cairo born Egyptian El Cosbi, would lead his attacks and train new militants. After Nasser's failure and death Pan Arabism subsided as a political thought. But was still remembered.
Marxist oriented countries dominated by the Marxist militant elite that was supported by Soviet arms money and diplomacy developed. In the 1950s a new concept of "the nonaligned block" developed. But it was not "not aligned" according to Western versus Eastern or free enterprise versus Marxist regimes. Rather nonaligned ment not associated with any of the traditional Imperial powers or the new United States role. This allowed communist cadres to pretend to be national elements of the subjected peoples.
El Cosbi participated in the founding of the Palestine Liberation Organization. And as he grew in power, he made the claim of Palestinian birth and changed his name to reflect a false Islamic heritage with his first name Yasser, the personality of the Koran and his last name Arafat, named after the mountain that dominates the sky in Mecca. The Bandung Conference in 1955 provided the narrative for this new Palestinian nation and placed itself in opposition to a "British colonial Israel". But a terrorist was what Yasser Arafat was and continued to be until the end of the first Gulf War gave an opportunity to establish a stake of Palestine in Israel.
After the first Gulf War the Israeli left led by Shimon Peres was quick to embrace Arafat and his PLO so as to make peace with somebody. The assassination of Yitzhak Rabin sealed off any discussion that this peace was a false one. To discuss it, was cited as acceptance of violence to determine Israeli policy that had been last stated by Rabin. Notwithstanding that there was every reason to believe that Rabin would have changed his point of view after many of the things that went on in the late 1990s.
After the Oslo Accords of 1993 were proposed, a meeting was arranged by the American President of Israeli leaders and Yasser Arifat to define the details. These resulted in the Israel-Palestine Liberation Organization Agreement 1993 between Arafat, Rabin, and Perez.
This agreement began:
"The Government of the State of Israel and the Palestinian team representing the Palestinian people agree that it is time to put an end to decades of confrontation and conflict, recognize their mutual legitimate and political rights, and strive to live in peaceful coexistence and mutual dignity and security to achieve a just, lasting and comprehensive peace settlement and historic reconciliation through the agreed political process. Accordingly, the two sides agree to the following principles.
Article 1 AIM OF THE NEGOTIATIONS
The aim of the Israeli Palestinian negotiations within the current Middle East peace process is, among other things, to establish a Palestinian Interim Self-Government Authority, the elected Council, (the "Council") for the Palestinian people in the West Bank and the Gaza Strip, for a transitional period not exceeding five years, leading to a permanent settlement based on Security Council Resolutions 242 and 338.
It is understood that the interim arrangements are an integral part of the whole peace process and that the negotiations on the permanent status will lead to implementation of Security Council Resolution 242 and 338."
And:"Article V TRANSITIONAL PERIOD AND PERMANENT STATUS NEGOTIATIONS
1. The five-year transitional period will begin upon the withdrawal from the Gaza strip and Jericho area."
Since that agreement, there has been
Recognize failure of Oslo agreements 1993
Promote the pledge for peace movement for the universal pledge for peace.
Establishing self-governing Cantons controled by Peaceful Arabs in areas A and B of the territories is the plan.
Develop Arabic language discusion groups to discuss the Pledge for Peace.
Establish the Arabic Institute.
Establish Women's committee.
promote letters and songs.
Find disaffected persons.
Find marginal issues.
Start small with small continuous towns and villages.
Establish all the institutions and programs: a local forum, market, charter school etc. from one town to build out by asking neighbors to agree to be part of a peaceful community and providing security education and a forum to be able to speak in. As the area of the Sulton's power in the Canton increases local structure stays the same but is replicated in the newer areas. While the Sultanate offices of the Canton take on a larger area. The old area can be a district with its own district agent. Later districts can be split or combine depending upon the utility and need. The Sultan can create lesser posts and fill them. A Qadi or administrative judge, magistrates, justices of the peace can be created to do the functions in the Sultanate. District agents can deal with local issues: solving them or bringing them to a higher level. Committees can be created to deal with areawide Sultanate issues: finance, security, justice, public health, education.Auxilary organizations to further the path to Peace.
Committees and programs in support of this plan.
Prisoners of the PLO committee to defend the prisoners of the PLO.